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Book: Crump

crumpCrump by P.J. Vanston is, according to the cover, a “darkly comic and scathing satire about life at a modern British university”. The book tells the story of Kevin Crump, newly appointed lecturer at the fictional Thames Metropolitain University, conveniently located in the buildings of the actual University of Greenwich. From page one, the book is indeed scathing: a scathing attack on “modern universities”, political correctness and university life in Britain in the 21st century. The reader is taken for a fast paced ride of ever more insane stories, involving anything from a transexual head of department (for the sake of the career of course!), academics running degree mills in developing countries, equal opportunity trainers beating up white guys and the main character being raped by a fellow male colleague after being beaten up by protestors on campus… All in all, the action unfolding is faster paced than light - and just when I thought that now the author really had told the most absurd story possible, he manages to bring out an even more absurd one, keeping me reading. The pure ridiculousness and pace of the storyline, however, is also the books big downfall: Few characters are well developed, no storyline is advanced before it gets taken over by the next one - and full of stereotypical, underdeveloped representations of students, staff and just about everyone involved in the higher education system - making “a normal” tabloid story look positively civilised. If you are addicted to Channel 4’s Campus series, but find it all a little bit too normal and toned down on TV, then I suspect you may enjoy the book. Otherwise, even the currently discounted price of £5.91 on Amazon (regular price £7.99) seems quite a hefty price to pay - especially, with more intelligent and funny campus novels like Degrees ‘R Us being much cheaper (when you own a Kindle!).

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Posted in Leisure. Tagged with , , .

How do you create impact?

ipactIn the UK the idea of “impact” of scholarly work has become increasingly important, i.e. not just the quality in terms of quality of the journals it appears in, but also how the work is then used to create “impact”. In terms of the understanding as far as the Research Excellence Framework goes, impact is defined as “defined as an effect on, change or benefit to the economy, society, culture, public policy or services, health, the environment or quality of life, beyond academia” (University of Northampton). There is, of course, the very prominent LSE Impact Blog - which covers all the social sciences, and there are (also obviously) some very critical voices regarding the REF and impact. Several disciplines are (IMHO) obviously more likely to be able to demonstrate direct impact (e.g. public policy)  - while it seems for many marketing academics the evidence of “impact” is very hard to come by.

I’m wondering how do you, as readers of my blog, measure your impact? Has the impact-agenda changed the way you do research - or how you reach out to “non-academic” audiences? How important is impact in countries other than the UK? How is it measured? Let’s share some thoughts - and looking forward to reading your comments!

Please use the comment function below to respond & contribute! Thank you!!

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Posted in Teaching & University. Tagged with , , , .

Emotional and Rational Advertising

Developing the idea of product involvement further, Puto and Wells (1984) suggested that advertising can use one of two strategies: Either a rational, informational strategy, relying heavily on transmitting information and facts - or alternatively a “transformational” strategy, characterised by trying to make emotional connections between the brand and the consumer. Taylor taylor1999(1999) expanded the dual strategy choice from Puto and Wells in his “six-segment message strategy wheel”. The wheel illustrates three types of message strategies for both emotional/transformational and informational advertising.
Ego strategy messages focus on the “this is how I am” messages, emphasising ego,  while Social strategy messages emphasise receiving recognition or admiration from others as a result of buying the product (for example as a gift). Sensory messages are associated to feelings, i.e. how does it feel to taste the product etc.. All these message strategies are primarily emotional or transformational - as opposed to the three informational strategies on the other side of the wheel, which are:
Ration(al) strategies, based on clear arguments, USPs and convincing consumers of the product benefits. Acute Need strategy is more typically associated for products where there is a sudden need - and limited time to gather information. Thus, building brand familiarity is important for this category. Finally, Routine strategies are related to items often bought frequently and habitually without much deliberation, using elements such as exaggerated claims.

The “wheel” can be used to  create strategies, i.e. it can be used as a way to “prompt” thinking about a product. Different styles can also be combined - for example: The delicious feeling of a chocolate (sensory) as a reward for a long week on Fridays (routine). Further, the strategies can be used to analyse advertising or marketing messages - for example to see how strategies change during an economic crisis (Lee, Taylor & Chung, 2011) or how company websites try to “sell” their message (McMillan & Lee, 2003).

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Regulatory Focus Theory: Gain and Avoidance

ScalesIn some of the previous posts on persuasion I’ve made the underlying assumption that individuals are goal driven, i.e. they try to attain some form of endstate as a result of their actions. Higgins (1998) has looked in greater detail at what strategies people use to attain their goals. His Regulatory Focus Theory (RFT) posits that people can either maximise gains (i.e. promotion focus) - or they can avoid risk and loss (i.e. prevention focus).
Although RFT derives from psychology, it has started to gain some momentum within the marketing arena as a way to explain motivational factors. The most obvious application of RFT is within the health and social marketing area - and more precisely in relation to messages promoting positive health outcomes - or avoiding negative health outcomes. For example, Kim 2006 and Zhao & Pechman (2007) looked at how RFT influences anti-smoking messages, and Wang & Lee (2006) applied RFT to motivations for purchasing toothpaste. Further, Aaker & Lee (2001) studied RFT with stimuli related to juice, while Wirtz & Lwin (2009) showed how it can be applied to privacy concerns in the context of relationship marketing.
One of the problems with using RFT in large scale marketing campaigns is of course how to know who is prevention and who is promotion focused. However, luckily there may be a shortcut - as RFT has been proven to be relatively culture bound (Kurman & Hui, 2011), in particular, promotion focus is linked to people holding individualistic values, while prevention focus is associated with collectivistic values - thus, existing cross-cultural models (such as Hofstede’s cultural dimensions) may be a useful guide for marketers in different cultural settings.

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Book: Degrees ‘R Us

degreesThe book “Degrees ‘R Us” is the sequel to A Campus Conspiracy by “anonymous”, again set in the fictional university of St. Sebastian, which this time has acquired a new Vice-Chancellor, who cares less about high-brow thinking and more about deeply filled coffers. Not surprisingly, the new vision focuses more on marketable degrees such as Celebrity Studies - or high-flying, jet-setting partnerships with industry (and a few shadier figures) in the form of a degree in Casino (cum Brothel) Management, while unprofitable endeavours such as philosophy and theology become largely superfluous to the educational at this traditional university.  Of course, this results in not unsubstantial upheaval at this eminent institution - and a lot of quite amusing tales along the way, such as the great attractiveness of a larger than life, redesigned St. Sebastian “portrait”, which attracts hoards of  civil partnership ceremonies to the campus (marketed as “Mixed Blessings”).
The book takes a very different turn in terms of plot line from its predecessor, although some of the characters reappear. Yet, reading it out of sequence is probably not a good idea - as it draws much on the contrast between the “old and stuffy” St. Sebastian encountered in the first book - and the “gung-ho” attitude of the VC in this book. While the narrative strays into the incredible at stages, there is certainly a taste of reality to be found by most academics who have found some modern education being primarily focused on attracting students and profits - rather than providing education and intellectual backbone.  Given the authors’ indirect links with the University of Wales, I’m also wondering if the book is not a little influences by the activities of UoW which came to light late last year.
Overall a very different book  in terms of pace, I found myself laughing a lot at certain passages - especially in as much as they seemed exaggerated (as expected from a comic novel), they certainly had a faint ring of truth to them.
Again, this book is a bargain at £0.85 if you own a Kindle - and definitely worth it for a few hours of higher-education versus industry razzmatazz.

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Advertising: Step by step - or all at once?

sequenceIn a previous post, I discussed McGuire’s Persuasion Matrix as a way of looking at how persuasion works.  The model consists of 12 steps that consumers complete to be persuaded and is more extensive than easier models often taught (such as AIDA = Awareness - Interest - Desire - Action/Think - Feel - Do etc.).

While the argument that consumers follow a series of steps to be persuaded is easy to understand, intuitive and logical, over the the last few years, both practitioners as well as fringes of the advertising research community seem to challenge this assumption.  Vakratsas & Ambler (1999)  looked at the various models used to explain advertising effectiveness in the literature. They identified 7 models, of which 6 are based on a hierarchy of effects.

Firstly, Market Response Models relate advertising (or other marketing measures) directly to purchase behaviours. I.e. the assumption is “exposure=effect”. Vakratsas & Ambler give the example of measuring loyalty directly by looking at repeat purchases - and therefore not taking into account different cognitive and mental effects.
The second set of theories are sumarised as Cognitive Information Models, assuming a (mostly strict) rational consumer behaviour, where the role of advertising is mainly to inform consumers of product attributes, which are then processed rationally and acted upon.
Pure Affect Models assume the opposite of cognitive theories: they emphasise a largely affective (liking, feeling, emotional) response to advertising messages leading to purchase behaviour. I.e. having a positive affective response (e.g liking the spokesperson) to an advertisement leads directly to a purchase. This can include familiarity of a product being established via advertising, leading to purchasing.
Persuasive Hierarchy Models are probably the most widely used models of persuasion - with McGuire’s model - or indeed the Elaboration Likelihood Model falling under this category. The basic assumption is that cognition is followed by affect which results in behaviour, rational deliberations result in attitude development that results in purchase.
Challenging the active form of cognition assumed in the Persuasive Hierarchy Models are Low-Involvement Hierarchy Models, which assume that (a low level of) cognition, i.e. merely being aware of - rather than actively deliberating about a brand,  leads to an experience followed by affect and attitude formation. For example, Ehrenberg’s “Awareness-Trial-Reinforcement” model would be a typical example of such a model, addressing the processing of information particularly in low  involvement situations. The important point is that these models assume that attitudes towards the products are created after product trial - while in the previous category, (positive) attitudes lead to product trial - and are therefore assumed to be formed prior to a purchase.
The last hierarchy based category combines Integrative Models, i.e. models that assume some hierarchical and sequential occurrence of cognitive, affective and experiential processes - but which argue that the sequence is based on the context in which they occur. For example, the FCB grid (Vaughn, 1980) would be a typical example of assuming product-category involvement to influence the sequence of processes.

The final category is probably the smallest in terms of research endeavors, but offers the most eclectic view of how advertising works. Hierarchy-Free Models don’t assume that any hierarchy of effects: Advertising is not seen as directly persuasive, decision making is not rational and advertising is seen as simply contributing to a “brand totality”. Taking a post-positivist/postmodern view, researchers in this category reject the idea of trying to measure advertising as a direct influence factor, focusing more on in-depth analysis of advertising, using, for example, feminist theory, semiotics or anthropological approaches to explain advertising (and its effect). While from a strictly rational perspective, such attempts may be seen as not practically helpful (e.g not providing practitioners with a way of measuring effectiveness), it is interesting that most practitioners support the view of advertising effectiveness as hierarchy-free when asked about their own theories (Nyilasy & Reid, 2009). Moreover, neuroscience appears to suggest that the brain itself is not processing information hierarchically - but rather interconnectedly and thus hierarchy-free. On the other hand, one could argue that the practitioners’ view of advertising itself may be contributing to the largely elusive effectiveness of advertising (Lodish et al, 1995Sethuraman et al, 2011 etc). Of course, proponents of the hierarchy-free models would counter-argue that these measurements themselves are flawed.
What do you think? Can we measure advertising effectiveness? Are effects largely hierarchical (and sequential)? Or eclectic and concurrent?

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I’m (very/not) committed - Involvement

Involvement is one of those frequently used notions in marketing - that seem easy to understand, but that can get quite complex once they are looked at in more detail. The problem is that it can mean different things in different scenarios - and it’s therefore important tho clarify what type of involvement is being talked about:  I.e. we can talk about product involvement, media involvement or message involvement. Let’s take each of these in turn:

Product involvement, is probably the classic idea of “involvement”, conceptualised as the consumers’ perception of the significance of the product category, based on their innate needs, values, and interests (Mittal 1995). This is the closest type of involvement to the original Robertson (1976)  idea of involvement. This is the suggestion that some products, for example expensive products, have a high consumer involvement - and therefore consumers want a substantial amount of information before committing to a purchase. Conversely, for low involvement products, often inexpensive, everyday goods, consumers require a lot less information. Robertson’s idea was further developed into the FCB grid which helps to script advertising messages.

Media involvement on the other hand can also play a role in how a message is perceived (Krugman, 1965). For example, radio (in the background) can be seen a very low involvement media type - while reading your favourite magazine (the one you read from cover to cover as soon as it arrives) could be seen as very high involvement media type.

The final type is message involvement, i.e. the extend to which someone cares about specific message features. This type of involvement is likely to be highly personal, for example, someone who is interested in the environment may pay close attention to advertising messages that imply ecological product features. Conversely, someone who does not care about the latest technology may not pay any attention at all to messages about technical specifications of a mobile phone.

So what drives involvement? Well, this probably depends to some extent again on which one: Message involvement is most likely to be driven by interest in a subject matter and highly personal; media involvement is likely to be contextual and personal (e.g. some people will pay close attention to certain programmes, others won’t). Product involvement on the other hand is likely to be more complex than the often promulgated high/low price definition. Blair & Eagly (1989) use three types of motivators for involvement: (1) Value-relevant involvement, based on enduring values a consumer holds, (2) outcome-relevant involvement, where consumers are focused on the achieving a defined outcome  and (3) impression-relevant involvement, where the consumer/scenario is driven by the impression they make on others.

A final point: Although involvement is often generalised as being particularly positive for a marketer - this may not always be the case. Imagine for example the case of people who are highly involved in ethical trading practices (i.e. they have a high value-relevant involvement). If a message contains relevant clues (e.g. hinting at fair trade deals etc) - then these consumers are likely to become highly involved in the message - and by consequence paying especially close attention to everything that is being said. Take the example of Starbucks, who very vocally advertise their commitment to fair trade coffee - and the criticism from message involved consumer groups (e.g. in 2000, 2007, 2011 …).

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I know you - you know me: Persuasion Knowledge

playerDeveloping the ideas of Attribution Theory further, Friestad & Wright suggest that commercial persuasion can be understood similar to a game play: Marketers try to “hit” the consumers, while the consumers in turn develop mechanisms to cope. Over time, both the marketers and the consumers develop “Persuasion Knowledge”, either made up of some knowledge about the product (for both sides) - and for the marketers knowing what works to persuade consumers - and for the consumer knowing how to cope with a persuasion episode. In other words: For the marketer (in the terms of the model called “persuasion agent”), persuasion knowledge derives from “topic knowledge” (e.g. product information) and “target knowledge” (e.g. use of celebrities will make target audience buy something) - while for the consumer (the “persuasion target”), persuasion knowledge derives from “agent knowledge” (e.g. this company is usually reliable) and “topic knowledge” (e.g. the product is long-lasting).

Some interesting studies have tried to shed more light on both target and agent knowledge: For example Nyilasy & Reid examined target knowledge and identified two widely held beliefs: “break through and engage”, i.e. cut through the clutter with creative, engaging advertising - and a “mutation of effects”, i.e. consumers will become resistant to advertising over time.
On the other side, being familiar with a product seems to moderate persuasion knowledge in consumers, as does knowledge about the agent itself (e.g. the company or organisation).

Many studies have looked at the effect of activated persuasion knowledge - especially focusing on the negative effects (from the point of view of the marketer). For example, knowledge about sponsored search results resulted in a reduced click through rate for internet searches, and frequently presented product placements resulted in negative brand attitudes if persuasion knowledge was high.

A hotly debated aspect of persuasion knowledge is how (and when) it develops - and how it’s perceived negative effects (and it is not always negative!) can be limited. For example, Mallinckrodt and Mizerski showed that for young children (aged between 5-8) persuasion knowledge had no effect on brand preference, suggesting that very young children have not yet developed coping mechanisms. However, college aged consumers coming from the millennial generation were shown to develop more negative perceptions when persuasion knowledge was high. Looking at advergames,  Waiguny, Nelson & Terlutter showed that being very engaged in a advergame (and therefore having relatively  little “spare” cognitive capacity) resulted in reduced persuasion knowledge activation.

However, as previously mentioned, persuasion knowledge does not have to be always negative: In an interesting study looking at product placement, Cowley and Barron reported that only people who liked a programme used for the study developed negative brand attitudes - while for people who did not like the programme the inverse was true. Equally, in a charity context, persuasion knowledge may actually increase the intention to donate.

Although there are many studies proving the existence of persuasion knowledge and coping mechanisms, there is a surprising lack of studies addressing exactly how coping mechanisms work (i.e. dismissive of all attempts? Nuanced?). There are, of course, many anecdotal examples - mostly focusing on what happens if consumers find out after the persuasion episode about the commercial nature - and then feel deceived (as for example in the fake Sony PSP blog episode). Similarly, McDonald’s got mocked when using sponsored tweets - resulting also in a “counter-tweet“.

So while on the one side persuasion knowledge (on behalf of the consumers) can be seen as particularly negative point for the marketers if it inhibits persuasion - in other ways it can actually be seen as positive - for example in the case of charity fundraising - or as a way of “shielding” the consumer from unrealistic or overly positive persuasion attempts  by marketers. However, there is still a need for more research to understand the role of different aspects of persuasion knowledge - and how and when it develops.

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Book: While Herding Cats

catsThis week’s campus novel is “While Herding Cats” by A.C. Roberts. Set in the 1980s, the book tells the story of Richard, a thirty-five year old lecturer in law at the fictional Foxton University, set in the Midlands. Richard, married with two children, embarks on a tour to Edinburgh with his casanovaesque colleague Nicholas - and ends up (almost) committing adultery with a former student. After his return to the university, Nicholas is promoted to dean - and what unfolds is a tale of blackmailing, backstabbing colleagues, professors who refuse to work, academic egos - and private separation.
While sometimes enjoyable to read, I could not warm up to the story very much. The book is very much a chronological recount of the events unfolding, which left me wondering frequently what the significance of some of the story lines is. Almost the entire first half  is devoted to building up to and telling the story of the trip to Edinburgh. Although this is a pivotal event in the later part, I felt it was long winded and somewhat cumbersome to read. The second part of the book was significantly more interesting, although suffering from the chronological style and the mono-faceted, slightly stereotypical description of some of the characters. Overall, the book felt to me very much like someone telling a personal story - with little thought about presentation and style. That said, some of the parts were well written, and I did overall enjoy reading the book - although much less than, for example, David Lodge’s book or “A Campus Conspiracy“, which also dealt with academic egos and infighting at universities.
Interestingly, the book is, similar to A Campus Conspiracy, much cheaper when bought electronically - with the Kindle edition priced at £1.54 and the paperback edition £7.99.

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Is it me - or is it it? Attribution Theory

cartoonContinuing from the previous post about persuasion, a different way of looking at persuasion is from the perspective of the receiver - and what goes on on their “side” of the process. Late in the 1960s, “Attribution Theory” emerged as a way to understand what motivations are ascribed to senders by receivers - and how receivers “figure out” which factor causes the sender to say something (i.e. attribute a motivation). Basically, the theory recognises that if, for simplicity let’s say, a strange person talks about a product or service, then this can be attributed either to a personal reason (e.g. the person is making a profit from it) or it can be attributed to something about the product (for example, it’s a really excellent product).
Rather than following a simple decision rule (i.e. being a heuristic model), Attribution Theory proposes that individuals evaluate what the stranger says using three types of “cues” - or “covariant information”, derived from the receivers perception of the context in which this message is being sent. Taking the example of a restaurant, the three variables are:
Consensus - i.e.  how far the message being received is coherent with what other people are saying (e.g. are they all saying the restaurant is good).
Consistency - i.e. is the stranger always saying the same thing (e.g. is the stranger repeatedly praising  the restaurant on several occasions)  and
Distinctiveness - i.e. is the message about different to other messages from the same sender (i.e. does the sender always talk highly about every restaurant - or are they usually critical, and this time it’s a different story).
Once received, the information is evaluated against these covariation information variables, and and the judged to be either high or low.

For example: If other persons have talked well about the restaurant (high consensus), the stranger does not normally talk well about other restaurants (high distinctiveness) and the stranger talks repeatedly well about the restaurant the receiver is likely to attribute the motive of the sender to be linked to the restaurant (i.e. something about the restaurant is good).
Conversely, if other people talk negatively about a restaurant - but the sender talks positively (low consensus), the sender always talks positive about every restaurant (low distinctiveness) and the stranger varies what he says about the restaurant (low consistency) then it is likely that the receiver will attribute the positive restaurant evaluation to something related to the stranger/sender (e.g a profit making interest) - and not to be the result of a particularly good product.

In many situations of course, the receiver may lack some of the contextual information, and therefore may not be able to evaluate the message using the three covariation variables given above. However, the receiver is still likely to attempt to figure out what causes the sender to say something  before being persuaded using whatever cues are available to construct what could be regarded as a “mini-theory” explaining what causes the stranger to say something.

Taken as a model, Attribution Theory (Kelley, 1967) provides a basic explanation for negative reactions towards advertising in general (e.g. every advert always raves about the described product; other people may not say that the product is good - even if the advert says it is the best ever etc…= it is something in the ad that is causing the positive stance, not the product that is actually good) and of course to the model cynicism towards, for example, social marketing campaigns when they are run by the government (e.g. “they only tell us this to save money” etc). A typical example of using attribution theory in practice is the (not really very ethical practice) of some department stores to hire “random” customers, to compliment customers considering a purchase seemingly randomly on their good choice, or saying something positive about the product the person is considering to buy. As the contextual clues indicate that the other customer is not driven by a reward (such as a sales assistant), attribution theory shows that the customer considering the purchase is likely to attribute the praise to the product (and therefore more likely to be persuaded that the product is indeed good). A more modern form of using attribution theory would be the attempt to generate word of mouth, for example online reviews by “unbiased” customers.

Attribution theory is also at the basis of many regulatory principles, i.e. take the example of advertising, where the persuasive attempt is made clear by giving contextual information (”this is an advertisement”) or showing information identifying the advertiser. One of the criticisms of product placement for example are because of the lack (or even falsified) covariation information, making it hard to determine if it is the writer/director/actor who placed the item there - or the company trying to sell the product ( or indeed, like in this example, for anti-product placement, i.e. competitors placing a competitor’s products to make the competitor look bad).

To summarise, attribution theory tries to describe the process of “attributing” what causes someone to say something. In the context of persuasion, this means the receiver of a persuasion attempt will try, based on contextual clues (or covariation information), to work out if the message is motivated by something internal to the sender (e.g profit, reward) or by something related to the product/service being talked about.

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